乐鱼 体育

Following her landslide victory, Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo is to become North America鈥檚 first female president on October 1st. This election, the in Mexican history, was less a battle of ideological values鈥� for a vibrant democracy鈥攁nd more a referendum on the standing administration of President Andres Manuel L贸pez Obrador (AMLO). While concerns about Mexico drifting towards autocracy are often , the roots and of the country鈥檚 authoritarianism often evade straightforward explanation. Analysts should not only consider how Sheinbaum might diverge from or align with AMLO but, more crucially for Mexico鈥檚 democratic future, dissect how the ruling coalition led by the Movimiento de Regeneraci贸n Nacional (Morena) maintains robust cohesion despite its political heterogeneity and governance. 

The broad support for Morena鈥檚 so-called 鈥淔ourth Transformation'' is best understood through the lens of the opposition鈥檚 . The presidential candidacy of X贸chitl G谩lvez, once as a formidable challenger, ultimately collapsed, rendering the opposition nearly as a political force. In contrast, despite a campaign marred by and tactics, Movimiento Ciudadano (MC) managed to consolidate itself as a third alternative in Mexican politics as votes were tallied. To be sure, AMLO鈥檚 manipulation of political discourse鈥攆rom reviving Mexico鈥檚 20th-century autocratic practice of el dedazo (handpicking successors) to illegally his daily 惭补帽补苍别谤补 briefings as platforms for influence鈥攏ot only solidified his control over the electoral agenda but effectively the political center of gravity to the left.  

Debates over just how free or this electoral process was will continue for some time. In reality, however, AMLO鈥檚 鈥渕agician politics,鈥� as by political scientist Adam Pzeworski, have already Mexico鈥檚 international credibility. This damage is further compounded by attacks on the National Electoral Institute (INE) throughout his tenure. Yet, perhaps the most alarming indicator of the threat to Mexico鈥檚 democratic resilience is the lack of competition seen among traditional political parties, particularly the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) and the Partido Acci贸n Nacional (PAN), and within AMLO鈥檚 own Morena. Marcelo Ebrard鈥檚 run for Morena鈥檚 presidential nomination鈥攃onstrained from the top鈥攊s especially illustrative. And yet, despite his clash with Sheinbaum, the former foreign minister remains aligned and is now being as the new secretary of economy. 

More pivotally, this election marked the first time since 1940 that the long-standing PRI did not present a partisan presidential candidate. Instead, its leadership backed G谩lvez, who, hitherto, was a fierce opponent of the PRI. It is key to note that the of the PRI under Alejandro Moreno's leadership may precipitate its imminent , rendering the party insignificant. Accordingly, its leadership is as a grotesque disaster. 

Moreover, the aftermath of this long electoral process reveals a significant and seldom noted trend: all presidential candidates forged their careers in center-left politics. Indeed, just as in the mid-20th century, today there is no significant political coalition鈥攏either within the incumbent movement nor the opposition鈥攖hat challenges the extent of state intervention in policymaking and the economy. In sum, notwithstanding an electoral process plagued by irregularities, the opposition from the outset failed to shift the narrative away from AMLO鈥檚 dominance, to offer a viable alternative to Morena. 

Mexico鈥檚 democracy will persist as long as its citizens the ability to remove politicians from office. However, the that throughout the country underlines the limited display of political pluralism in this election cycle. Against this backdrop of voter disillusionment, 厂丑别颈苍产补耻尘鈥檚 triumph, as Luis Carlos Ugalde recently expressed, 鈥渞epresents the biggest win of a presidential candidate in Mexican history.鈥� This support firmly establishes her popular and democratic . 

厂丑别颈苍产补耻尘鈥檚 victory encapsulates the deep frustration with Mexico鈥檚 slow and arduous transition to democracy, a process that ultimately has not delivered as once promised. Despite the centralization of power now in the hands of the president-elect, it is a mistake to view Morena鈥檚 incipient political machinery as akin to the once hegemonic PRI. 

 In stark contrast to other autocratic models worldwide, the durability of Mexico鈥檚 emerging authoritarian regime remains . Morena continues to function as a catch-all movement that has benefited from the dissolution of traditional political parties and an opposition lacking in vision and strategy. A key question remains: can Mexico鈥檚 fledgling democracy resist the pressures of power, or will it succumb to a authoritarianism?